Grammaticalization of the French en passant as seen through diachronic and cross-linguistic data: from converb to a complex preposition

This study examines the grammaticalization of the French converb en passant, drawing on both diachronic and synchronic (cross-linguistic) data (cf. a similar panchronic approach in Simon-Vandenbergen & Willems 2011). We focus on its equivalents in Czech and English, arguing that the different grammaticalization paths of the construction are rooted in two distinct motion meanings of the source verb passer.

Converbs are defined as non-finite (dependent) verb-forms conveying adverbial subordination (Haspelmath 1995; Ross 2021; Nedjalkov 1995). Their adverbial nature often leads to reanalysis as adverbs (Ylikoski 2003), e.g., cs. takřka ‘almost’ (Nádvorníková 2023: 156). Such adverbialized forms may further evolve into discourse markers through pragmaticalization (fr. en attendant ‘in the meantime’, Vigier 2012). However, converbs also develop into (complex or simple) adpositions (Kortmann & König 1992, e.g. cs. vyjma ‘excepting’) or conjunctions (fr. en attendant que, Kortmann 1997; Halmøy 2003). 

En passant has followed both grammaticalization paths, reflecting the dual semantics of passer in spatial terms (Talmy 2000). In general, this verb conveys a type of motion often characterized as ‘median’. However, it can either highlight an intermediate step of the Figure’s motion (see 1) or be part of a broader trajectory encompassing departure/source and arrival/goal (see 2). These two spatial configurations underpin the evolution of en passant: 

1) Intermediate motion and brevity (intermediate step of the Figure’s motion): focusing on the fleeting interaction with a median landmark. This temporally bounded aspect fostered reinterpretation in terms of brevity, leading en passant to evolve into an adverb (cf. en. incidentally, cs. mimochodem) and, in certain limited contexts, into a discourse marker introducing incidental remarks (Nádvorníková & Sarda 2025).

2) Macro-event integration, where en passant forms part of a complex motion event (aller de X à Z en passant par Y ‘go from X to Z via Y’). This usage led to the emergence of the complex preposition en passant par (Stosić 2012; Fagard et al. 2020: 45), often used in enumerative series. Czech typically employs simple prepositions (přes ‘across’), and English either simple or complex forms (e.g., via, by way of). Opening and closing items may be marked by converbs (e.g., in Czech počínaje ‘starting with’, konče ‘ending with’; cf. Dvořák 1983: 120–123), and equivalents in Czech and in English sometimes adhere to the iconic order of the items (see (1b)):

According to Stosić (2012), the grammaticalization of en passant par into a complex preposition began in the 18^th century and was largely complete by the 19^th. Our diachronic analysis based on BMF (Base de français médiéval) and FRANTEXT (14^th–21^st century) corpora investigates whether both reanalysis paths of en passant emerged simultaneously. We also identify key syntactic and semantic contexts that facilitate the change (Heine 2002), particularly properties of the Figure (controller) and the complement. 

Cross-linguistically, we draw on the InterCorp multilingual corpus, annotated in Universal Dependencies (Rosen et al. 2024; de Marneffe et al. 2021). From a contrastive perspective, we explore the whole context of the signals of enumerative series involving en passant par and their equivalents, arguing that differences in the use of converbs across French, Czech, and English reflect broader typological contrasts between verb-framed and satellite-framed languages.